WHAT RAWLINGS TAUGHT ME - HOW HUMANISTS CAN HELP SHAPE THE FUTURE
For the first time in my life, I feel like I am living through one of those historical moments significant enough to catch the eyes of historians. I have always imagined what, for instance, I would do, think, or say, if I was in; Nazi Germany, or post-independent Ghana, or Apartheid South Africa, or Jerusalem in AD 30. I often wonder about characters like Pastor Martin Niemoller, whose poem, First they Came I so frequently quote. Martin initially supported Adolf Hitler and even made some remarks that some scholars considered antisemitic. Or Kwame Nkrumah, first president of Ghana, who was a champion of democracy until he became President for Life. Or Mandela and his role in creating a watered-down liberation for his people; or Gandhi and his racist blind spot; or Jesus and his temper issues. I even contemplated the philosophical view that moral judgments are true or false only relative to some particular standpoint (for instance, that of a culture or a historical period), and what time frame relative to the present is considered “historical”? Also, are there actions for instance that transcend space and time and are considered morally wrong no matter the time period? What if the justification for the action was a matter of the greater good, and what lens would we be using to define the greater good? As you can tell, I have so many questions!
I was born in 1987. I missed the 1983 famine. I missed six successful coups and one unsuccessful one. I missed the last one, which happened on 31st December 1981, by about six years. This coup would be significant in my life because the man who led it, Flight Lieutenant Jerry John Rawlings, would remain in power and influential for the rest of my life. Rawlings, a man many considered savior, so much so that his most common moniker, JJ, the initials of his first and middle names, took on the more endearing meaning; Junior Jesus. Yet, the same man condemned six Generals to death by firing squad after his coup in 1979. Under his leadership of the PNDC, from 31st December 1981 to becoming president of the first government of the fourth republic on 7th January 1993, we hear of chilling stories of extrajudicial killings, extortions, unlawful seizure of property, and torture. All these stories came to life during the Truth and Reconciliation Commission set up by J.A Kufour, when he took over from Rawlings on 7th January 2001, after a successful democratic election saw Rawlings’ NDC lose power. Yet, his popularity doesn’t seem to have waned that much. Someone who ticks most of the boxes on the checklist of things I consider morally wrong has the ear and hearts of so many people I consider fellow citizens. Full disclosure, my mother and father both had horrible experiences under the PNDC and I have been told several stories that should make me hate the man. However, it was difficult for me to reconcile the man I have known, and how more than half of the country loved him, with what my parents told me. I get even more perplexed when I hear people wish for those days back when even being suspected of being corrupt could end with you being lynched. You must realize how this drives one to question several things; about my own assumptions, about our current reality, and about what a revolution by humanists should look like. Mind you, Rawlings and his revolution were as humanistic as they come. These were people taking their destinies into their own hands and trying to fashion what they considered a more just world. Yet, I can in no way identify with the actions of Rawlings, the AFRC, or the PNDC. In fact, even in this Fourth Republic, I am finding it difficult to identify with the actions of any of the democratically elected governments.
The same inequalities and corruption that necessitated the failed revolutions by the AFRC and the PNDC exist today. In fact, by all measures, they are exponentially worse. Not a month goes by without news of government officials engaged in corrupt acts. Not a day goes by without hearing news of citizens unable to access health services, proper education, or justice. The atmosphere is primed for a revolution. The people want a change. What will we, as humanists, want the revolution to look like?
My first instinct is that democracy, as we are practicing it now is not working; that what we may need is a “benevolent” dictatorship. One may look at Singapore and Rwanda as examples of countries that had or have “benevolent” dictators and made it. However, aside from the human rights abuse necessary to maintain a dictatorship, there is also the fact that most dictatorships do not have a succession plan and fail after the “Strong man” in charge dies or is ousted. In the case of Singapore and Rwanda, there are various other factors that play into their success, none of which I believe we can replicate.
We are in a two-party system spiral, where we vote for the lesser evil while inequality keeps rising. Barriers to participation in the democratic process and the culture of politics have made it such that it has become difficult for well-meaning decent folks to even consider running for office. Activists spend so much energy, time, and money to fight for causes that only see marginal gains in decades, forcing us to celebrate achievements that I am sometimes embarrassed we could only gain in the 21st century. The biggest stumbling block has of course been capitalism. The idea of profit over people is antithetical to our democratic ideals but capitalism remains the fabric on which we weave this tapestry we call progress. It’s no wonder that we see so many tears in the fabric. After all, a house built on a weak foundation, will at minimum, wobble. That said, my initial instinct is as unrefined as it is wrong. It was born out of frustration about how slow progress is and also about how much apathy I was seeing from a majority of my fellow humans.
Our path, as humanists, is to lay the foundation for change, wherever we find ourselves, and to seek to partake directly in changing the framework on which society’s systems are built. From personal relationships to economics to activism and politics, wherever power and influence play a role, we must seek to be at the table and to provide alternative narratives worthy of the values we claim to possess. The humanist revolution I would like to see will be slow. It will be frustrating. But I believe it will be worth it. It will start with ordinary people imbibing the positive narrative of hope and the possibility of the progress we as humanists teach and show them. From humanist activists working to build bridges and coalitions amongst oppressed minorities to humanist scholars and artists creating the works necessary to build the foundations of the myths necessary for the change we seek, to politicians, working to restore hope in democracy and institute the progressive policies necessary to move the collective forward. We cannot go the way of Rawlings or Kagame, neither can we sit aside and watch the likes of Mahama and Akufo Addo continue to control the narrative of our lives and the destiny of our country. What we can do, is actively partake in this democracy. Not as voters who endorse one party over another in the spirit of the lesser evil, but as active participants seeking to undermine the old ways and bring forth the dawn of progress framed in our values; critical thinking, ethical development, peace, and social justice, empathy, and humility.
Comments
Post a Comment